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        THE MONROE DOCTRINE   (1823)

. . .At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through
the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions
have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at
St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights
and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent.
A similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government
of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of
the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of
manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the
friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the best
understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this
interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they may
terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a
principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are
involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent
condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be
considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. . .
 
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort
was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the
people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with
extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the results
have been so far very different from what was then anticipated.
Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much
intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we have always been
anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States
cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and
happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars
of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never
taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only
when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries
or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this
hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes
which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers.
The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in
this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that
which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our
own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure,
and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under
which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.
We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing
between the United States and those powers to declare that we should
consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion
of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the
existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not
interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have
declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence we
have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we
could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them,
or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power
in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly
disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new
Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their
recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere,
provided no change shall occur which, in the judgement of the competent
authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the
part of the United States indispensable to their security.
 
The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still
unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than
that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle
satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal
concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried,
on the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers
whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most
remote, and surely none of them more so than the United States.
Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of
the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe,
nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the
internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government
de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly
relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm,
and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every
power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those
continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. 
It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political
system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace
and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if
left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally
impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any
form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and
resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from
each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is
still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to
themselves, in hope that other powers will pursue the same course. . .
 
 
      President James Monroe

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